Isle of Peace into Pieces

by Kate Bomz | Bomdggity Blog | 14 Jan, 2011

The haunting omen of violence started 2011 with a common thread of  police brutality in Tanzania and Tunisia. Under the shameless guise of “law and order”, this cloudy predicament stretching above Africa threatens to erase all the remaining traces of peace as a claim to fame. Never since the days of Habib Bourguiba has Tunisia seen such a wanton disregard for human life from its security forces. A parallel is felt on the other side of Africa, in Tanzania. These two countries, relatively unknown for large scale unrest, are plagued by a hideous manifestation of totalitarianism, the use of state security organs, notably the police and the so called anti-riot units, to suppress what would be considered perfectly understandable responses to unemployment and unacceptable living conditions.

Courtesy Peterson Kamwathi: www.edcrossfineart.com

At least 35 protesters, going by government figures, are reported dead in Tunisia. The International Federation for Human Rights  reports that the death toll could be in excess of 50.  President Ben Ali was forced to change his tune from calling the protest “terrorist activities” to “the situation requires a change, a drastic change” and “I understood you”. The recent disproportionately violent crackdown on the opposition in Arusha marked a heightened , and sadly, continuing tradition of preferring unreasonably forceful solutions over our trademark “peace and tranquility”. It is almost like the use of excessive force is a special showcase of governmental overreach to warn any and all who might even entertain the thought of protest, civil or otherwise. The opposition (CHADEMA) was denied a constitutional right to march in protest of corruption following an insidious last minute Machiavellian move, whose legality is questionable since the formal permission letter was not withdrawn and the denial was made through the media, in a move that can be argued to be calculated to cause mass confusion and grant the police an excuse to use violence.

Parliamentary immunity privileges, under the auspices of the  Parliamentary Immunities, Powers and Privilege Act of 1988, were completely disregarded. Members of Parliament and opposition leaders were beaten inhumanly, even the oft observed unwritten sensibility towards women were cast away. One particular sordid picture is that of  a bloodied Josephine Mashumbushi, prompting one Twitter user (@1stworldmusic) unfamiliar with the Arusha situation to ask: “What did this pretty lady do to deserve this ?” Indeed, the question lingers with grave accusation to our police, was all that force necessary? Is Tanzania really still the land of peace and tranquility? It has to be noted that, only a few weeks ago another opposition party rally was summarily dispersed with teargas in Dar, under similarly totalitarian excuses. Is Tanzania turning into a fascist state?

Tunisia, that famed home away from home for the fathers of the Palestinian Liberation Organization, is itself garbed in the style of tyranny the Palestinians, knowing oppression first hand, would easily decry. Online images of the Tunisian unrest provide a vividly grotesque picture of what is going on, completely showing people with their brains spilling out and mass hysteria. Not for the faint of heart.  Tanzania, that famed home of the liberation movement of almost half of the southern tip of the African continent, from South Africa to Zimbabwe, Angola to Mozambique. The parallel is more than symbolic, is it marking a new decline in the last bastions of peace and tranquility in Africa? I resolve to at least expose these injustices for what they are, a threat to progress not only in these two countries, but to the least common denominator in African civility.

This is a saddening anti-climax for all the hopefuls in Africa who had such a great hope in the liberation movements. Stretching from the so called sub-Saharan Africa (how insulting) to the Maghreb which is more identified with the Middle East than Africa. Today Tanzania and Tunisia, two largely ignored countries in the western media, are all intertwined in the umbra of police brutality. The least we could do is expose these charades passing for responsible governments. Africans have the talent and resilience to reject this vortex of complacency and move forward towards a more promising governance. But that can only be done by putting in the work and risking out of comfort zones. At least the Tunisian students are protesting, what are the Tanzanian students and other sections of civil society doing?

But it is not enough to stop there. We must address this responsibility in a very specific manner, identifying precise weaknesses in our systems, and prescribing the exact corrective measures with a “no holds barred” attitude. Despite a slimy attempt at branding criticism as “unpatriotic”, the fact remain as Mark Twain, that quirky sage of unabashedly unrestrained literature pointed out: “Patriotism is supporting your country all the time, and your government when it deserves it.” Howard Zinn said: “Patriotism is not supporting the government. Patriotism is supporting the principles that the government is supposed to stand for.”

With a common history of being largely ignored by their respective former colonial occupiers -– the French in favor of Algeria and the British of Kenya –Tanzania and Tunisia, managed to chart an enviable path of social harmony. Sadly, this is becoming history, something to be referred to in the past tense, even as you read this.

Reports of students from University of Dodoma protesting are encouraging, especially given the previous image of a docile — almost party wing — and appeasing institution. Even as we urge the students to root their activism in a studied reason, dissent is in the best interest of our nation. A student’s uprising capable of wielding the right pressure without resorting to unnecessary violence — which could easily corrode the moral high ground– is a most welcome breath of fresh air.  We as Tanzanians and Africans cannot be blind to a new colonialism just because the new colonials are our fellow Africans. The same spirit that was critical in mobilizing the masses against the British in Tanzania, and the French in Tunisia should be employed.

The labor movement showed its muscle during the election, it could do more to ensure that the powers that be are kept in check. Already we are hearing the Ben Alis, Jakaya Kikwetes and Benard Membes of this world retreating. Kikwete has pledged, against the Ian Fleming adage of “never say never”, that this automaton of sadist bloodthirsty will not happen again. That remains to be seen. Benard Membe is reported acknowledging that the police used excessive force. If this is how shameful these acts are  imagine how much could be accomplished with a more organized protest, more informed populace, more daring citizenry and more focused activism.

So many things can be said about our apathy and how to tame it, our modal national character conflicted between an old disappointing love and a new unknown -– if hopeful — beginning. The sheer lack of information, or even deliberate censorship and misinformation that gives spin-masters a field day would stagger scholars, let alone the nine out of ten who don’t have the right tools. So this endeavor of a more just Tanzania is not an easy task, progress  in this context never is. But the rewards are more than worth it, and the challenge appears stronger than it really is from this side of history. We are seeing tremors already producing a much needed drift. This could be the decisive hour of attaining a paradigm shift. This is the time to stand up and be counted, the time (notice, not a time) of action, the time of “Put up or shut up”. Contribute in your own way, read or write something worthwhile, get involved in your trade union and community events, know your elected officials and engage them, strike peacefully if necessary. A critically examined dissent may be our only savior from this stagnating stupor we are facing.

“Down with the fence-sitting chameleons!” — Thomas Sankara

Update: Tunisian President Zine al-Abidine Ben Ali forced out

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Steven was born and raised in Dar es Salaam, and moved to Germany for his studies. He graduated with a BSc. in Physics (Jacobs University Bremen), and then a MSc. in Engineering Physics (Technische Universität München). Steven is currently pursuing a PhD in Physics (growth of coatings/multilayers for next generation lithography reflective optics) in the Netherlands. He’s thinking about starting his own business in a few years; something high-tech related. At Vijana FM, Steven discusses issues critical to youths in Tanzania, music, sport and a host of other angles. He’s also helping Vijana FM with a Swahili translation project.

This post has 9 Comments

9
  1. Thanks for the analysis Bomz…I have got a few things to share!

    Paulo Friere studied extensively the so called “the oppressor and the oppressed” relationship and offered a dialogical approach in addressing it. In his book Pedagogy of the oppressed, he has criticized student activism by pointing out that instead of solving the problem it might as well exacerbate it. For example, he wrote,

    “…No oppressive order could permit the oppressed to begin to question: Why? While only a revolutionary society can carry out this education in systematic terms, the revolutionary leaders need not take full power before they can employ the method. In the revolutionary process, the leaders cannot utilize the banking method as an interim measure, justified on grounds of expediency, with intention of later behaving in a genuinely revolutionary fashion. They must be revolutionary — that is to say, dialogical — from the outset. ”

    History tells us that student activisms/protests turned violent in most cases, the motives of their leaders were not well known to all the participants etc…the 1960s student movements in Germany or those in China are an example.

    We also know what violence has lead into–(it has created more harm than good). For example the assassination of P. Lumumba of the Congo, Thomas Sankara, and other “revolutionary leaders” that have passed in Africa has had something to do with violence or a creation of enmity with the people they dealt with. [refer: the political and economic situations that the Congo and Burkina Faso face today]

    I think student protests at the University of Dodoma are not as encouraging as you have pointed out, and that they [the students] should possibly think about other alternatives. They, as Friere wrote, “must first critically recognize its causes, so that through transforming action they can create a new situation, one which makes possible the pursuit of a fuller humanity.”

    I still remain of the thought that there should be love in whatever we think about doing.

    I also feel that the notion of “revolutionary leaders” or inciting others to become ones should be thought about thoroughly. This is a political ideology and like any other political ideology it’s very easy to get into one’s heard and destroy it.

  2. Kusema “instead of solving the problem, it might as well exarcebate it” kutoka katika some high ivory tower is the height of reactionary hipocrisy. The situation in Tanzania is very different from your Hegelian dialectics and Ludwig von Mises twists, we actually need our own scholars to observe our own societies and chart our own ways. We certainly do not want to dumb down the dialogue, but on the other extreme we don’t want to over-intellectualize it. This is real, ain’t no academic paper here, people die.A nation’s growth stagnate.

    Reading the response, one gets the impression that the piece was some extreme red nonsense. Actually the piece was very moderate, urging reason and the use of intellect more than simple rebelling without a cause. I would have a hard time failing this part, I quote.

    “Even as we urge the students to root their activism in a studied reason, dissent is in the best interest of our nation. A student’s uprising capable of wielding the right pressure without resorting to unnecessary violence — which could easily corrode the moral high ground– is a most welcome breath of fresh air. ”

    For a University that was, as pointed out, docile to the point of being likened to a CCM wing, how can you not see signs of dissent as signs of independence? How can you fault a writer urging “a studied reason” over the easy temptation to be violent and unruly?

    Listen man, desperate times cannot be dealt with kid gloves. If the Maji Maji warriors didn’t wage war – regardless of whether they won or not- the history of this country would have had turned out very differently.

    Moreover, your whole point of view and your quote seemed to have totally missed the point of this piece. The piece does not anoint anybody as a revolutionary leader, it does not idolize any character, to the contrary, it stresses a bottom up approach, centred on people’s power, accountability and participation for each one, so where is this “revolutionary leader syndrome” coming from?

    The people of Tunisia chased away their president today, but they did not install a revolutionary leader, instead the PM is holding power, but I bet he is going to feel more accountable now, less another torrent of pretests be unleashed against him. So was there a messiah in the Tunisian revolution? Indeed even calling it a revolution is debatable, it was just a protest agains bad leadership. I think there is an element of “joka la mdimu” where what we used to call the reactionary in the olden days of the cold war, feel threatened by anything that hints at being slightly in the left. Student protests are good if carried right, labor protests are good, don’t let any European scholar who has never set his foot in Dodoma and taste our living conditions tell you otherwise.

  3. Asante Msangi. I am just fascinated by the fact that “we” always tend to associate any kind of activism with violence. Gosh, even our parents are not comfortable with what we’re doing here!

    It’s Friday, and I am going through ICC ruling on Dowans documents and read about the debate held on ITV. Am I going to harm anyone?

    As Kate points out: “Even as we urge the students to root their activism in a studied reason, dissent is in the best interest of our nation.”

    Hivi, viongozi wetu bado hawajapata ujumbe tu?

  4. Funny thing is, huyo Friere mwenyewe ni kama methali za Kiswahili, huku anakwambia “haraka haraka haina baraka” huku anakwambia “ngoja ngoja huumiza matumbo”

    Hebu msome hapa anavyoua ku revere overlu academic pedantics.

    “The teacher talks about reality as if it were motionless, static, compartmentalized, and predictable. Or else he expounds on a topic completely alien to the existential experience of the students. His task is to “fill” the students with the contents of his narration — contents which are detached from reality, disconnected from the totality that engendered them and could give them significance. Words are emptied of their concreteness and become a hollow, alienated, and alienating verbosity.”

    Totally destroy the original argument ya kutafuta majibu ya matatizo yetu kutoka vitabu vya falsafa bila kuangalia hali yetu halisi on the ground. Watu wanaishi kuandika vitabu, historia na falsafa. Watu hawaishi ili wawe watumwa wa vitabu, historia na falsafa.

  5. Kate, Interesting piece indeed.

    I agree with bihemo on several things, first on the issue of UDOM students & their demonstration. I kept asking myself, what was that about, what were they expecting to achieve.

    Now, for those who remember UD back in the days, you will all agree with me that, they were a force to be dealt with, unlike today. When Chuo Kikuu students stood up, and roared, the walls of the status quo did shake. Today its painful to ask, where did it all go, on the simple fact that, higher learning institutions don’t have the same effect they used to have against the establishment. Hivi Kikwete ameenda kuhutubia wanafunze pale mlimani mara ngapi?

    Moving on. The issue about Sankara is different, so is Lumumba, and I am not sure if violence killed them. May be the questions should be, what violence are we referring to here, the one that they caused or the one the oppressor incited? I am asking that because, I don’t think Lumumba caused any violence, but other people manipulated the situation to get Lumumba out of their way, so their Mercedes Benz can roll in one peace.

    Sankara on the other hand, he became a little bit too extreme with his ideologies, even though he meant well. I believe his extreme position on so many things gave way to strong political opposition. If you ask me, Sankara’s leadership near to the end lacked balanced, meaning, as a leader you have to know where to be “extreme” and where to be moderate. Watch his documentary on youtube and you will understand where I am coming from, but that doesn’t take away the fact that, he was among the few that wanted something for Africa, he meant well for his people, unlike these clowns we have today, who smile about everything, & get upset on petty things.

    I like the question about, why is the word revolution & activism always associated with violence? I think this is done purposely by the status quo to justify their actions, and Arusha is a good example of that. Gandhi was an activist, so was Martin Luther King, okay and Malcolm X as well, but don’t judge him until you listen to his speeches & interviews.

    Some people can say Mh. Kikwete is a revolutionary in his own right. Why do I say this. During Mkapa’s time, the opposition & the media was always scrutinized. Under such atmosphere, how could we have had these open dialogues about EPA, Dowans & Richmond etc etc. But Kikwete’s lenience towards the freedom of the press & the opposition to unveil all these scandals has helped many of us to know & understand where our country is at, and what’s happening behind closed doors.

    This attitude has started to prove to be a blessing in disguise, well actually the opposite for him. This is because things are starting to get out of hand, and his smile wont bail him out this time, coz people are just FED UP. The freedom of the press and opposition has grown so much, thanks to HIM, but now its slowly backfiring, of course for all good reasons. Kikwete has allowed the cracks to grow and be visible to all, now its a bit too little too late with all the intimidations by the F.F.U, as I once wrote, they bring their F.F.U just to be met with F.U.2

    Tunisia is a very good example, that violence is not always bad, coz war against apartheid wouldn’t be considered bad violence; although people did lose their lives, but that’s like everything in life, there are pros & cons, you just have to weigh them out.

    In Tanzania today, the leaders are taking advantage of the legacy of Mwlaimu, with the whole thing about, we’re a peaceful nation, but what we should be reminding them is, thats true, but Nyerere also spoke against corruption and other social ills, something that they seem to embrace. If there are going to be hard on cracking the heads of potential peace breakers of the nation, they should also be hard on cracking down these corrupt leaders.

    One thing that I happy to be pessimistic about, is Tanzania becoming Ivory Coast or Tunisia, but that doesn’t mean we should be too comfortable, because this current headache that we’re sick from should be treated asap, otherwise it will become something serious eventually. I hope Kikwete understands this, he can’t run a country and want to please his friends at the same time. Leadership 101, a leader leads, and that encompasses making difficult decisions, something that I credit Mkapa for, although I didn’t always agree with some of the things he stood by, but at least he stood for something.

    In conclusion, I hope Chadema realizes that they’re in the limelight, they have responsibility to the people, since thousands/ millions of them are looking up to them right now. This is their time to grow roots & blossom, or they can mess around, just to dry & die. They should read this non-published, nonexistent book called, The Rise & Fall of NCCR-Mageuzi while they at it, just a free advice.

    Ningependa kumzalizia na quote ya joji fb, ” Kuandamana kupigania haki, kosa. Ila kuandamana kwenye mbio za mwenge, with blessings from the President”.

    Hivi mbio za mwenge bado zipo, na kama ni ndio, kwanini? Hivi tumekaa tunalipia mafuta kwa kitu ambacho kinapita kila mtaa na mdundiko, kikichochea uasherati na maambukizi ya magonjwa. But anyways wacha upite kila mahali ukitoa mwanga, nchi yenyewe iko kizani, so Mwenge oyeeeee!!

  6. It’s strange for me to see Tanzania and Tunisia compared on the level of revolution. Understood, they are being compared as two formally-colonized nations, and in this capacity the willingness and ability of their citizens to revolt against a system can be similar.

    But their cultures, I would imagine, are vastly different. Tunisia was ost recently experiencing and economic crisis similar to its neighbors, Morocco included: These problems consisted of high unemployment and food prices.

    These problems are old problems in Tanzania. If Tanzania’s people “revolted” against a situation like this, we could be where Tunisia is today about 30 years ago, right before Mwinyi was elected President.

    But let’s think about this a little more. Kate mentioned in her piece “contribute in your own way”, while Bihemo believes in loving what you do and Msangi has understood the article to be centered around “peoples’ power”.

    Right there I think we outline the Tanzania-specific ethic of change. We’ve changed things in the past, and it primarily comes people pushing their collective agenda through peaceful yet active means. Hence, Tanzania’s people are where the real changes lie, not in their leaders (which perhaps other countries may indicate).

    At the end of the day, I think we need to get away from this “Africans will be Africans” notion. Because even African countries are vastly different in their socio-economic contexts, and should be compared – if at all – accordingly. This year, Tanzania will turn 50 years old. Do you think a hypothetical child who is born today should be communicated to in the same way 50 years from now?

    As Msangi says, let’s get real.

  7. The article was so so, the feedback amazing!

    AK, background to Tunisia/Tanzania…..I am always in a constant back and forth explaining my origin and the story is always Tanzania is not Tunisia nor Tasmania. However, for once I could excuse the mistake most make..as the news crosschecked…that being police brutality +, how both stories were equally snubbed by western media, heck even I was confused w. the news updates.

    Bahati,
    Thank you for making my Saturday “They bring their F.F.U just to be met with F.U.2 ” & in addition to your “and Malcolm X as well, but don’t judge him until you listen to his speeches & interviews. ” I suggest you do the same with Thomas Sankara Speaks (which i am still going through btw)

    Bihemo,
    I believe Msangi & Kajole have responded accordingly to you. = )

    Hivi, wajameni mbona…we act kama death is new and it only happened in Arusha, na wale wa Barrick? land evictions in Loliondo? kina mama ambao wanakufa whilst bringing in life? madawa yakuevya? njaa? etc etc etc

  8. @Kate – tis true, what we read about Tanzania in BBC and NYTimes is mad different from what happens daily according to Nipashe, Daily News, and The Citizen, for example.

    We definately have a problem of incorrect and/or unfair representation of historical and cultural background in the “popular” mediasphere. I salute your efforts in comparing notes across the mediums these events were reported on! Reminded me of various initiatives to triangulating reports on Tanzania’s recent elections. There definately seems to be value in this relative-blogging scene.

  9. Katika maandamano ya kupinga serikali kwa jambo lolote lile mbali na migomo ya vyuo vikuu, tunapoulizia wahanga (waliokufa na majeruhi) sijawahi kusikia ni watu wenye walau degree moja au mwenye kampuni binafsi inayofanya vizuri.

    Hivi ni kwa kuwa

    1. ‘wasomi’ wanauwezo wa ku-dissent kwa kupitia njia ambazo hazilazimishi kuhusisha maandamano?

    2. ‘wasomi’ huwa wamesha timiza wajibu wao kwa kuamsha jamii kupigania haki yake?

    3. ‘wasomi’ ni mahodari wa kuongea maneno mengi bila ya vitendo?

    Nimetafakari na kujiuliza iwapo yatatangazwa maandamano nchi nzima ya kupinga kuilipa Dowans, jee nitatoka nyumbani kwangu na kuandamana? Will any of you do?

    Ikiwa nafikiri kuwa sitatoka, ni kwanini nafikiria hivyo? What am I lacking? Will that make me a traitor? Or am I excused because I have a degree? Or am I excused because I’ve a small child and old parents who have only me to depend on? Or because I am a young woman? Or because I did enough when I did a fine job preaching about dissent?

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